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A regime of Catholicity – Politics

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Les Étoffes de la Nativité. This is the name given by its creator, Victoria-Maria Geyer, to the nativity scene installed on the Grand Place in Brussels in the run-up to Christmas 2025. This new nativity scene, which presents faceless characters, made of recycled fabrics, and sheltered under a light tent, replaced an older, more traditional model. This innovation was not to everyone’s taste, in a Belgian convictional landscape that was nevertheless secularized. What would this new controversy be the symptom of?

The new representation of the Brussels nursery was vilified in the harshest terms on social networks, and the defense of the project by Father Lobet, dean priest of Brussels, was not enough to convince everyone that it was not a “Salafist nursery sponsored by Islamists on the verge of taking control of the city » (sic).  

In addition to providing an outlet for the Islamophobic fantasies of some, the controversy highlighted that the profound secularization of Belgian society did not prevent the persistence of a deep attachment to the identity markers of Christianity, undoubtedly encouraged in recent years by the perception of an Islam very present in the public space.

Whether the characters in the nativity scene are made of cloth or carved wood, no one has questioned the merits of the representation of this story central to Christianity in the public space, and the financing of the work by public funds.

The nature of this controversy could be surprising, given the history of Belgium rich in debates around the place of religion. Because, whether the characters in the nativity scene are made of rag or carved wood, no one has questioned the merits of the representation of this story central to Christianity in the public space, and the financing of the work by public funds.
This is how we saw two eminent figures from political parties formerly described as secular discussing the merits of the new representation or their absence: the socialist mayor defended the new project alongside the priest, while a liberal party president demanded the return of the old nursery. “À bas la calotte !“has gone out of fashion. And from the founding of the liberal party in 1846 in the town hall which adjoins the square, we no longer really retain the program of secularization of institutions.

The conflict around the place of religion in society therefore seems to have calmed down, and religious manifestations in the public space not only tolerated, but also actively supported by the public authorities. Moreover, do their representatives continue to go to the God bless youorganized during the national holiday on July 21 and King’s Day on November 15? The time when the Verhofstadt government wanted to put an end to it seems very far away.

We see the obvious manifestation of privileged treatment reserved for the historically dominant religion in Belgium: Catholicism.

Yes, but, a few months later, strong protests greeted the decision of the city of Ghent to illuminate two arteries during Ramadan. Including from those who demanded the presence of a traditional nativity scene on the Grand-Place in Brussels, and who this time refuse the Ramadan illuminations in the name of the neutrality of public space.

And this is how we see the obvious manifestation of privileged treatment reserved for the historically dominant religion in Belgium: Catholicism. Christian culture, still widely shared, explains, and undoubtedly largely justifies, the fact that six of our ten public holidays correspond to Catholic holidays. Even if we can wonder if remaining off work on Pentecost Monday still evokes something vaguely religious for most of our contemporaries. And if we can be surprised that in the Wallonia-Brussels Federation, Muslim children still do not have the right to be absent from school at the end of Ramadan and the Eid al-Adha festival1… 

The State is essentially secular, and religion officially plays no role, but the Catholic Church retains privileges.

Other privileges reserved for the dominant convictional culture are of concern. This is how a royal decree of 1963 grants a day off to the worker whose child makes solemn communion or participates in the secular youth festival. The worker whose child is celebrating his or her bar or bat mitzvah2 he/she is not entitled to leave. This is a perfect illustration of the system of catholaïcité in which we evolve: the state is essentially secular, and religion officially plays no role, but the Catholic Church retains privileges, some of which have been extended to organized secularism.

Our secular state, however, organizes public financing of recognized convictional organizations (see the article by Stéphanie Wattier on the following pages), we can note that the two organizations best financed by this system are the Catholic Church and organized secularism.

Catholic worship 2621 78,4 %
Protestant worship 148,5 4,4 %
Anglican cults 22,5 0,7 %
Culte israélite 43 1,3 %
Orthodox worship 83 2,5 %
Islamic worship 109,5 3,3 %
Laïcité 317,7 9,5 %
Positions funded by the FPS Justice (full-time equivalents, 2025)3

Belgian political life has long been marked by a conflict between Catholics and anticlericals. If this time is over, it has left two pillars face to face, Christian and secular, who sometimes have a little difficulty making room for newcomers…

Caroline SÄGESSER