He is the new face of the Hungarian opposition. With his slicked back hair, his shirt tucked into jeans and his gray sneakers, Peter Magyar brings a breath of fresh air to Sükösd. In this small town of barely 3,000 inhabitants in the south of the country, spectators came to listen to this candidate with a modern appearance.
In the front row, a line of people with white hair, captivated by this charismatic speaker. Who knows, they are perhaps cheering the future Prime Minister, if his Tisza camp (conservative and liberal right) wins the legislative elections of April 12, 2026. He seems to be on track according to the polls, which announce him as the winner against Viktor Orban, the current leader.
An earthquake in Hungarian political life while the leader of Fidesz (conservative and nationalist right) has been in power since 2010, without alternation. He had also managed until then to torpedo any political figure who could overshadow him, and above all, to unite an opposition around him.
A political UFO that shakes up the established order in Hungary
Here Peter Magyar appeared, still unknown to the general public, two years ago. A real political UFO. The forty-year-old is, however, a pure product of the inner circle. He grew up in the beautiful neighborhoods of Budapest, not far from the Parliament. In the family photo album, there is his great-uncle and godfather, Ferenc Madl, former President of the Republic between 2000 and 2005. But also his grandfather, who hosted a widely watched television program on legal issues.
A lawyer by training, Peter Magyar quickly came into contact with Viktor Orban’s circle. “When he was a law student, he was close friends with the current spokesperson for the Prime Minister,” says Antonela Capelle-Pogacean, researcher at CERI at Sciences Po and specialist on Hungary.
A pure product of the Orban system which has become a dissident
The Hungarian then joined Fidesz, Viktor Orban’s party. Since 2010, Peter Magyar has held several highly strategic positions. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs then was sent to Brussels to follow the decisions taken by the European Union before joining the Prime Minister’s office.
Politics even interferes in his personal life. At the time, he was married to Judit Varga, the mother of his three children, who was appointed Minister of Justice in 2019. “He had political ambitions that he could not achieve. According to some, it is because of his explosive, narcissistic and very individualistic character. Internally, he was always questioning, criticizing, he was not very well perceived. We were afraid of him as a free electron,” specifies Antonela Capelle-Pogacean.
A political scandal that precipitates the falls
But the strategist wants to come out of the shadows. Here he was, in secret, preparing his career as a political opponent. Even if it means resorting to a real low blow. He unknowingly recorded his wife during domestic arguments and leaked audio clips to opposition media.
In 2024, the Hungarians discovered a huge state scandal: Katalin Novak, the president at the time, pardoned, with the approval of Judit Varga, a man involved in a child crime case. The two female politicians had to resign. With a divorce in addition on Judit Varga’s side.
The defector left Fidesz to join Tisza. “How can you trust someone who betrayed their family? What will he do with our country? “, comments a resident of Budapest, pro-Fidesz.
However, this did not prevent him from running for the European elections and winning 29% of the votes with a Tisza list launched in a few months. His score caused a stir. He has since become Viktor Orban’s main rival. The latter accuses him of being a “puppet” of the European Union and of wanting to drag Hungary into the Ukrainian conflict.
A credible rival who appeals across divides
A speech that does not fall on deaf ears among Orban’s opponents, galvanized by the hope of finally seeing him step down from his throne. Even left-wing sympathizers say they are ready to vote for Peter Magyar even though he has not made a big speech in favor of migrants or the LGBT movement, themes often taken up by socialists. Because, on societal issues, he remains close to Orban’s ideas and prefers to avoid expressing himself on this subject.
But he stands out with his desire to restore the rule of law which has declined in recent years, his rapprochement with the European Union in order to release the billions of euros supposed to help Hungary, and his fight against elite corruption.
This is more than enough to attract the country’s youth, connected, open to Europe and attached to democracy. But Magyar does not hold back from speaking to the older generation. In the middle of a political tour before the elections, he ends each public gathering with an autograph session to music with traditional, almost kitsch sounds, which flatters national pride. Anti-Orban candidate, yes, but not anti-Hungary.
